The following was written in it’s original form back in the winter and early spring of 2009. Originally for academik purposes it has since then been modified and altered significantly. While it is not a perfect article by any stretch we do believe that it serves as a sufficient introduction to overstanding an incredibly broad and complex subject that spans the millennia, both before and after the White Death of 1492.
We’ve made the decision to re-publish this article here in the context of the current debate regarding gender, its social construction and feminist analysis in and around the radical ecological resistance organization known as Deep Green Resistance. We have made this decision because what has been missing from this discussion thus far has been an indigenous perspective – one that overstands colonization, decolonization and how both of those intersection of european Grand Patriarchy and the struggle against it.
Additionally, we here at Onkwehón:we Rising hold positions that while in line with the general consensus of the onkwehón:we liberation movement but which run counter to the general position of the nominally ‘Marxist” left on the question of ecology. We are critical of the “techno-utopian” positions on solving the ecological crisis; that is we reject the factory and industry worship of most Marxists (without necessarily being anti-technology), and instead advocate for the need for a critical overstanding of industrialism, energy use patterns and a general over-reliance on technological solutions.
So we appreciate much of Jensens’ writings on ecology and also the sense of urgency that he, DGR and others have attempted to build around the general ecological crisis that threatens the future of this planet as we know it.
So despite disagreeing with the radical feminist analysis, which we feel is both eurocentric and ahistorical, we contribute this article in a comradly fashion in the spirit of unity-struggle-unity. For OR’s own perspective on two-spirit/trans liberation, as well as our use of same-gender loving (SGL) rather than lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) when referring to the struggles of sexually-variant colonized peoples, please refer to our Basic Points of Unity.
Finally we want to make it clear that say what one will about the particular DGR line that has become the focus of this controversy, what has been most outrageously unacceptable is the fact that wimmin involved in DGR have been intimidated, threatened with murder and sexual violence because of it. Part of these often intensely misogynistic attacks (which often have not happened in the light of day, or rather Facebook) has been the threat of rape and sexual violence against these DGR organizers. Onkwehón:we Rising stands resolutely against these obscene, misogynist threats.
Introduction: Gender Variance Within the Oppressor Nation
Unlike much of the rest of the world the settler nation has long defined itself through adherence to patriarchal social and cultural traditions, not the least of which is the judeo-christian religion. As such, in the culture of the settler nation gender expression has historically been viewed as a simple binary divided into polar opposites: male and female, masculine and feminine.
However, even within the settler oppressor nation, below the surface mainstream of the mainstream culture, there has always been gender variable people and cross-dressers. This has historically especially been so within the lesbian, gay and bisexual (community) community where the archetypes of the drag queen and stone butch have been present for some time.
In the years since the emergence of the modern gay and lesbian liberation movement within the settler nation after the 1969 Stonewall Riot in New York City there has been a growth in the visibility of those whose gender expression does not conform to the hegemonic settler culture’s simplistic binary. In the 1990s authors and activists like Leslie Feinberg of the Workers World Party helped to popularize within the settler left the existence of gender benders, gender blenders, gender changers and a myriad of others people with gender variable identities.
A further development has been that today transgendered and transsexual people, as well as intersexed people, have largely become integrated into the lesbian, gay and bisexual fight for social acceptance and equal rights within the colonial society. This can be seen in the most often used acronym to describe the movement – LGBT.
Now the bulk of what once was the LGBT liberation movement in the settler nation has morphed into the modern LGBT rights movement, ever eager to remove what remaining barriers (such as ability to serve in the military and become married) that continue to prevent full integration into imperialist settler society. Still, the oppression of LGBT people remains a site of potential dissent and resistance to the the dominant power from within the settler nation itself, though they must align their struggles with the struggles of the colonized in order to win true liberation.
However, despite the emphasis on the struggles of mainstream LGBT community from the factions that make up the modern White ‘left’, their story is not the full story of the history of gender & sexual variance, oppression and resistance within the borders of north amerika.
Gender & Sexuality in Onkwehón:we Cultures
Long before the arrival of the first european settlers the cultures of many of our nations had what would today be recognized as institutionalized gender and sexual variability. This institutionalized practice was once referred to by the term berdache by settler academics – including anthropologists, historians, sociologists, psychologists and sexologists. However this term is now considered a pejorative by many indigenous people (Jacobs et al. 1997:2).
Rather, the term Two-Spirit, which is a translation of the Anishinaabek term niizh manidoowag, has been taken up by members of our communities. It was first adopted in 1990 at the third conference of onkwehón:we same-gender loving people in Winnipeg (Roscoe 1998:109) as an alternative to the offensive use of berdache.
Emerging from the usage of modern same-gender loving onkwehón:we as well as those people who would have traditionally been labelled as berdache by Western scholars, Two-Spirit now refers to a number of gender identities, both contemporary and historical, within our cultures, ranging from modern same-gender loving bisexual and gender variable individuals to the traditions of many of our nations in which multiple gender and sexual variations were accepted and institutionalized in the culture.
The goal of this article is to examine the institution of the Two-Spirit person as it represents gender and sexual variability across our cultures and societies. It will examine both the historical institutionalization of multiple genders and sexual expressions in many of our cultures at the time of first contact with european ‘civilization’, and the roles that such individuals fulfilled, as well as the modern movements to reclaim of the concept by modern same-gender loving and gender variable people within our communities.
Gender & Sexuality At the Time of Contact
According to settler anthropologist Harriet Whitehead’s article The Bow and the Burden Strap: A New Look at Institutionalized Homosexuality in Native North America “a social gender dichotomy is present in all known societies in the sense that everywhere anatomic sexual differences observable at birth are used to start tracking the newborn into one or the other of two social role complexes.” (1981:57) Whitehead explains that it is this attaching of gender and related social roles and relations to biological sex at birth that is at the core of why gender dichotomy exists.
However, she also notes that there are also often a host of other factors that vary across cultures and often come into play in defining ones gender, ranging from ideas of fate, an individual’s temperament, or suspected spiritual power, or the mythical history of the culture into which they are born. Whitehead further points out that in many of the cultures of our nations these kinds of secondary characteristics of an individual tend to form clusters, with maybe one feature that forms the core of the cluster (Whitehead 1981:57). The result of this in onkwehón:we society was the development of the institution of the Two-Spirit person, who is a biological female or male who takes on the gender roles and associated social relations and obligations of the traditionally opposite gender.
Western knowledge of gender and sexual variability in our cultures has been around since the first sustained contact between our people and the european nation. In his book Changing Ones: Third and Fourth Genders in Native North America William Roscoe retells the account of Edwin T. Denig, a colonial trader who in 1833 traveled up the Missouri river and spent twenty-three years working for the for the American Fur Company in the territory of the Absaroka (Crow) nation. According to Roscoe, Denig found himself in a land populated not only by an unfamiliar people with foreign customs, but, most shocking for this settler man, found himself among a people for whom “some of the important and respected individuals were men and women who in American and European societies would be condemned, persecuted, jailed, even executed.” (1998:3) In the culture that Denig had left the lifestyles of these people that he encountered in Absaroka country would have been considered immoral, perverse, and ultimately condemned as being unnatural (Roscoe 1998:3). The presence of gender and sexual variability among our people marks perhaps one of the starkest areas in which our civilizations and the culture of the europeans differed.
Edwin T. Denig’s encounter with Two-Spirit people amongst the Absaroka is far from a unique experience, and was also far from the first time that this type of meeting between our cultures had happened. Indeed, as Roscoe notes, “Europeans had been encountering ‘berdaches’…since the days of Spanish conquest.” (1998:4) In her article Various Kinds of Two-Spirit People: Gender Variance and Homosexuality in Native American Communities, Sabine Lang notes that:
Ever since Europeans came into contact with North American Indian cultures, there have been reports on Native American males who partially or completely take up the culturally defined roles of women in their respective communities, doing women’s work and feminine arts or crafts, such as beadwork, pottery, and basketry; sometimes wearing women’s clothes; and often entering into sexual relationships or marriages with men. (1997:100)
One can see this in the account of spanish conqueror Cabeza de Vaca, who traveled amongst the Auia (Karankawa) nation in what is today called Texas. He said of his journeys “in the time that I continued among them, I saw a most brutish and beastly custom, to wit, a male who was married to another, and these be effeminate and impotent men, who goe clothed and attired like women, and performe the office of a womale.” (Roscoe 1998:4) Denig’s response to the presence of Two-Spirit people was also far from new. During the spanish conquest of the Turtle Island, in which the settlers encountered Two-Spirits in virtually ever nation they ‘met’, the settlers reacted to Two-Spirit people with everything from amazement, to disgust and biblically justified violence (Roscoe 1998:4).
It also should be noted also that gender variability did not only take the form of men who took up the roles and dress of wimmin, but also wimmin who lived, partially or entirely, with a male gender expression. However, because of the fact that many male Two-Spirited individuals entered into sexual or marital relationships with men, leading to the long time interpretation that institutionalized Two-Spirit roles were an attempt to integrate so-called ‘deviant’ male homosexuality into various onkwehón:we cultures, the phenomenon of male Two-Spirited has often been the primary focus scholarly literature on the topic.
As such, according to Lang “females taking up the ways of men were not included in discussions of the Two-Spirit.” (1997:101) The fact is though that both male and female Two-Spirit individuals existed in many of our cultures cultures, ranging from the nádleehé of the Navajo, the winkte of the Lakota, the warharmi of the Kamia, the ihamalea of the Zuni to the hwame of the Mohave (Lang 1997:100).
There is much discussion surrounding the relationship between sexual orientation and gender expression in our cultures. In contrast to the notion that the institution of the Two-Spirit was an attempt to integrate ‘deviant’ sexual behaviour Lang puts forward the argument that an individual’s identity as Two-Spirit had much more to do with their occupational preferences and personality traits than the type of body that they desire sexually (1997:101). Further, it should be noted that a number of reports of Two-Spirit males living with wimmin, and even having sexual relationships with them have been overlooked or ignored by much of the literature.
There are reports of at least twenty nations where male Two-Spirits where this is exactly the case, and at least that many regarding cases where they have no sexual relations at all, with either men or wimmin (Lang 1997:102). A similar problem exists with regards to reports of female Two-Spirits who entered into relationships with men (Lang 1997:102). It is also important to take note of the fact that, according to Lang, the “culturally defined roles for individuals who one way or another are reversing or blending gender roles in our cultures are as diverse as those cultures themselves.” (1997:101)
The Construction of Gender in Onkwehón:we Cultures
A key notion to grasp in all of this here is the nature of how gender is culturally constructed. This is a process that takes place in all cultures. Specifically, the process of the cultural construction of gender as it is being used here, according to Whitehead, refers to “the ideas that give social meaning to physical differences between the sexes, rendering two biological classes, male and female, into two social classes, men and women, and making the social relationships in which men and women stand toward each other appear reasonable and appropriate.” (1981:57)
As has been stated already, there was a great amount of diversity cross-culturally in that each individual culture differed on what exactly its culturally defined gender roles and social relations were, however a majority of indigenous cultures had a definition of gender that explicitly allowed for the construction of more than the standardly accepted two genders of male and female (in the settler nation) (Lang 1997:103). The result of this in onkwehón:we cultures is that it allowed for the growth, and eventual institutionalization, of a wide range of gender variable Two-Spirit traditions.
The Role of Two-Spirit in Traditional Onkwehón:we Cultures
Traditionally in our cultures Two-Spirit people fulfilled a number of important social roles beyond the culturally determined gender roles that they taken up. It has long been noted in the scholarly literature that Two-Spirit people have played an important aspect in the ritual aspect of many of our cultures, and often were perceived as being imbued with a large amount of spiritual power. In Sex Life and Marriage from The Crow Indians Robert Lowie notes that “the task of chopping down the first tree for the Sun Dance lodge specifically devolved on a berdache.” (1956:50)
Similarly, in her book The Sacred Hoop: Recovering the Feminine in American Indian Traditions, Paula Gunn Allen notes that the koshkalaka, the female Two-Spirit counter-part to the winkte amongst the Lakota are seen to have quite a bit of spiritual power, though not without a cost, as she notes that their power is not to “’determine [their] own and others’ action.’ Rather is consists of the ability to manipulate physical and nonphysical reality towards certain ends. When this power is used to determine others’ actions, it at least borders on black magic or sorcery.” (1992:258)
Outside of the cultural zone of the Great Plains, Arnold R. Pilling in Cross-Dressing and Shamanism among Selected Western American Tribes notes several instances among our cultures where Two-Spirit people play a central role, such as in the Kachina dance of the Zuni people (1997:70) and cross-dressing shamans and medicine men among the Wapato group of Tualatin in northern Oregon and Tolowa of northwestern California (1997:74).
The Fate of Two-Spirit People With Contact
However, much of these traditional roles and practices, even the institution of the Two-Spirit person itself, began to disappear after the arrival of european colonialism. With the european settler colonists also came european judeo-christian values and norms about gender and sexuality, which, needless to say, were starkly different than those of onkwehón:we.
It has already been noted how the first european conquerors and explorers reacted in a number of ways at the existence of Two-Spirit people, including with violence. In one very telling example of the violent ways in which europeans attempted at times to eliminate Two-Spirit people, Roscoe recounts the story of Vasco Núñez de Balba who upon encountering “forty pathicos foemineo amictu (male homosexuals dressed as women) in Panama, he had them put to the dogs.” (1998:4) One catholic theologian a century later would applaud de Balba’s violence by anointing his actions as being those of an honourable Catholic Spaniard (Roscoe 1998:4).
The result of this onslaught on the institution and practice of the Two-Spirit, which included not only physical violence directed at those people who were part of the group, but also the cultural colonization of the indigenous population, especially with the imposition of the christian religion and judeo-christian european ideas on gender and sexuality is that by the time of the early 20th century there was fear that the Two-Spirit institution had ceased to exist in certain areas of Turtle Island. For some time the male Two-Spirit person Kasinelu was labelled by some scholars as the last Zuni Two-Spirit person (Pilling 1997:71).
Several authors also have noted the emergence of a modern kind homophobia and transphobia in our communities and the problem this has caused for the continuity of the Two-Spirit tradition. Pilling retells the story of the Zuni Two-Spirited person Kasinelu who sought the approval of his mother and mother’s mother for his lifestyle as a Two-Spirit person as in Zuni society it is an individual’s mother and mother’s mother who has have the most say regarding their behaviour. Pilling notes that while Kasinelu did have the blessing of his mother and mother’s mother for his Two-Spirit identity, he did face some opposition from his father Nayuchi. Pilling suspects that Nayuchi’s opposition to Kasinelu’s identity may have been an early example of homophobia in onkwehón:we society (1997:70).
This has continued to be the case in many onkwehón:we communities down to the modern day. The Yup’ik author Anguksuar also notes the prevalence of homophobia in our modern communities, saying that “many Native people had become homophobic and acquired other forms of intolerance in recent generations.” (1997:220) Michael Red Earth, of the Sisseton Dakota nation, in his autobiographical article Traditional Influences on a Contemporary Gay Identified Sisseton Dakota explores the problem of homophobia within our communities in the modern day . Himself a gay-identified he describes the dissonance between his more traditionalist reservation-based extended family and his urban dwelling assimilationist nuclear family, and especially the role that the colonially imposed christian boarding schools for onkwehón:we youth had on his mother and her sisters in creating this situation. On this Red Earth says “the policy at the Indian boarding schools was to re-educate and assimilate Indian into settler culture. Expressions of Indian heritage were suppressed and punished.” (1997:210) Red Earth also describes that after he came out to his urban non-traditional family they became quite upset, and he attributes this to the effect of the boarding schools on his family (1997:213).
The Modern Revival and Evolution of Two-Spirit Identity
However, despite these threats to the continuity of the Two-Spirit institution at the hands of five centuries of sustained colonial assaults on it and its basis in our cultural constructions of gender, there is currently a modern movement to revive the term and its original meanings within our communities.
The modern Two-Spirit movement is a contemporary development that has emerged from the same-gender loving onkwehón:we underground community beginning in the 1990s. The initial impetus for this movement actually comes as the result of academic and scholarly work on traditional onkwehón:we ideas on gender and sexuality in the 1980s. As a result of these works, such as Walter Williams’ The Spirit and the Flesh, the mainstream same-gender loving community in north amerika began to embrace the notion of a north amerika that was tolerant of gender and sexual variability before colonialism, especially as a counter to the treatment of lesbian, gay and bisexual people in within the settler nation.
However, true to the parasitic and opportunistic nature of most movements that have historically grown out of the settler nation, this settler LGBT romanticism of how our cultures were prior to colonization has lead to a number of mainstream same-gender loving organizations attempting to appropriate the old offensive term berdache, and even the our current concept of Two-Spirit. Because of this colonizing way in which the settler LGBT movements have interacted with same-gender loving onkwehón:we and their struggles, many groups decided to reclaim their heritage and traditions, and in the early 1990s they decided to reject the term berdache and proposed the use of the term Two-Spirit to describe themselves (Gilley 2006:25).
According to Brian Joseph Gilley, author of Becoming Two-Spirit: Gay Identity and Social Acceptance in Indian Country, this coordinated rejection of the colonial term berdache and embracing of Two-Spirit accomplished two primary goals “it removed the negativity of colonial impression of Native gender diversity and wrangled the concept away from the popular gay community.” (2006:25) Superficially this has allowed for a partial separation of the onkwehón:we same-gender loving community from the predominantly mainstream same-gender loving community of the settler nation, thus allowing them the opportunity to develope independently, but more importantly, the embracing of the concept of Two-Spirit by many contemporary same-gender loving onkwehón:we has allowed them find an identity for themselves that relies less on their sexual orientation, and more on drawing from their heritage as indigenous people (Gilley 2006:25).
Gilley notes that with “the knowledge that gender-different persons historically were respected in their communities, indigenous same-gender loving people began to emphasize their cultural heritage through the establishment of Two-Spirit as a kind of personhood and as a socially observable fact.” (2006:29) As the use of the term Two-Spirit has increased in popularity the flexibility of it as a concept has allowed many more people to feel a connection to their indigenous heritage that may usually be unavailable to them or discouraged for reasons ranging from issues of blood quantum to physical appearance (Gilley 2006:30). For those of us who lived in their traditional communities the concept of Two-Spirit allowed them to bring together their sexual orientation and indigenous heritage within the cultural and social sphere of their traditions (Gilley 2006:32).
Outside of the community of same-gender loving onkwehón:we, the notion of being Two-Spirit has also been picked up by modern-day indigenous transsexuals and transgenderists, who may or may not identity as a homosexual. In hir book Trans Liberation: Beyond Pink or Blue, north amerikan transgender activist and author Leslie Feinberg interviews Gary Bowen, an Apache, on the interplay between his status as a transperson and as an indigenous person. Bowen says that once he “figured out that ‘transgendered’ was someone who transcended traditional stereotypes of ‘male’ and ‘womyn,’ I saw that I was such a person. I began a quest for finding words that described myself.” (Feinberg 1998:63) In the case of Bowen this was a journey that eventually culminated in his acceptance of his trans nature as gift from the creator. Specifically he says “my own transgendered state is a sacred calling given to me by Spirit, not a neurosis discovered by white medicine.” (Feinberg 1998:63) Bowen goes onto to say that he does not accept the popular labels of transsexual and transgendered for people like himself because “it is important to remember that ‘transsexual’ and ‘transgendered’ are terms that have arisen out the dominant culture’s experience with gender, and are not necessarily reflective of a wide variety of people, cultures, beliefs and practices relating to gender.” (Feinberg 1998:64)
Rather, Bowen and many other contemporary indigenous gender variable people, like same-gender loving onkwehón:we, have turned to their heritage to find an identity that fits how see themselves and their place in the world. Like the same-gender loving onkwehón:we, gender variable people have rejected the word berdache as a way to describe them, finding it offensive and rooted in colonial discourse. Bowen himself states the prefers to use the traditional Sioux term winkte for people who mainstream society would generally describe as male-to-female transsexuals or transgenderists, and the Yuma Kwe’rhame term kurami for female-to-male trans people (Feinberg 1998:65). While Bowen does not use the term Two-Spirit to describe himself, stating that where he is from it has been used as a slur for people of mixed blood, and could also be translated into some of our languages as ghost-haunted, which is an important, but separate spiritual concept, there are many onkwehón:we transpeople who do identity with the term (Feinberg 1998:65).
Ultimately the modern resurrection of the Two-Spirit concept by current same-gender loving and trans onkwehón:we is part of a much longer tradition that reaches back to the cultures that existed in Turtle Island before the arrival of european colonialism. This is because in spite of differences between what exactly each culture defined as male and female, almost all onkwehón:we cultures followed a cultural construction of gender that allowed for the existence of more than two genders, and for a range of behaviours that would be considered deviant in european societies. When europeans first arrived in Turtle Island they were unprepared for the presence of Two-Spirit people and reacted sometimes with confusion and awe, and sometimes with brutal violence. The traditional acceptance of gender variability in indigenous cultures was also assaulted by the cultural colonization of their communities through such institutions as the onkwehón:we boarding schools, which punished traditional practices and rewarded acceptance of Western ideology and norms. This eventually lead to the growth of homophobia and a general lack of acceptance of gender variable people within indigenous communities in Turtle Island. However, despite this there have been movement by onkwehón:we to reclaim the term Two-Spirit as a cultural identity separate from the predominantly settler mainstream gay and lesbian society, and that allows them to link their gender identity and their sexual orientation with their identity as onkwehón:we.
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